Repairs to battleship USS California

Two and a half years after she was badly damaged and sunk by Japanese torpedoes and bombs at Pearl Harbor, the rebuilt battleship USS California reentered combat in the Pacific. One of her early tasks was to provide heavy gunfire support for the invasions of Saipan, Guam, and Tinian during June and July 1944.

On June 14, while California was bombarding Saipan, she was hit by a shell from a Japanese shore battery, killing 1 man and wounded 9. On today's date in 1944, the ship finished making her way to Eniwetok where she was received alongside my dad's ship, USS Hector, for repairs to her damaged guns. The barrels were replaced by spares from Hector and all other damage was restored by July 3. Back into action, those same guns helped clear the way for the assaults on Guam and Tinian from July 18 to August 9.

In October and November of that year, California took part in the Leyte Campaign, including the October 25th Battle of Surigao Strait, history's last fight between opposing battleships. In January 1945, California participated in the Invasion of Lingayen Gulf in the Philippines. Damaged by a kamikaze attack on January 6, she remained in action for more than 2 weeks before returning to the states for repairs and an overhaul.

California returned to the Western Pacific in June 1945, in time to take part in the final stages of the Okinawa Campaign. She covered occupation activities in the wake of Japan's surrender, then sailed for Philadelphia in December 1945. The USS California was decommissioned in February 1947 and sold for scrap in 1959.

USS California, 1945
Source: reocities.com

Launched in 1919, this venerable flagship of the Pacific earned 7 battle stars for her World War II service.

Sources: Naval Historical Center; USS California War Diary June & July 1944

The Battle of Kennesaw Mountain at 150

Source: Civil War Maps by Hal Jesperson

Confederate Gen. Joseph Johnston had carefully arranged his Army of Tennessee in a strong position near Marietta, Georgia, on and around Kennesaw Mountain, awaiting a general attack by Gen. William T. Sherman's Federal army. On today's date in 1864, the 2 armies again clashed, this time in the Battle of Kennesaw Mountain.

Sherman, who had been attacking and pushing the Confederates south from Dalton since early May, had at last decided to bring on a large-scale frontal attack on the Confederate line. His overall plan was to break through simultaneously at 2 points where he considered the Rebel line vulnerable, thereby preventing one part of Johnston's line from reinforcing the other.

Sherman ordered Maj. Gen. John M. Schofield to move his army to the right in the hopes that Johnston would be forced to weaken his line by extending it accordingly. Then he was to attack the Confederate left flank near the Powder Springs Road. His plan for Maj. Gen. James B. McPherson was for his army to make a demonstration on his extreme left to the north of Marietta and the northeastern end of Kennesaw Mountain, while making a major attack on the southwestern end of Little Kennesaw Mountain. At the same time, Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas was to make the main assault against the Confederate fortifications in the center of their line.

Thomas had the unfortunate task of attacking 2 hardened veteran Confederate divisions of Lt. Gen. William Hardee's Corps—Maj. Gens. Benjamin Cheatham's and Patrick R. Cleburne's. My great grandfather, Pvt. Nathan R. Oakes, was in Brig. Gen. Mark Lowrey's Brigade in Cleburne's Division, and would be one of the units to receive the force of Thomas's attack.

Photo by Mark Dolan, June 2010

These 2 divisions were extended in a single line along a 3-mile rise, now known as Cheatham Hill. Cheatham's Division was posted on the left, with Cleburne's Division assigned to his right, extending to the Dallas Road. Lowery's Brigade was on the left, next to Chatham's Division, Gen. Daniel Govan's in the center, and Gen. Hiram Granbury's on the right. The men had fortified themselves behind a series of strong breastworks. The Federal line was 400 yards away across a small ravine. In front of Lowrey's men were open woods and dense undergrowth, while Govan's troops fronted a field with felled timber scattered on their left.

By 8 AM, Cleburne's men could see the enemy across the Federal line marching and massing behind their breastworks, readying for an attack. At 8:45, the Federals opened with a fierce artillery barrage. At 9:00, Federal soldiers directed their attack against Cheatham's and Cleburne's line. They were arranged in 2 massed columns, 5 lines deep, with a strong line of skirmishers in the front. Throughout the day, 8,000 Federals would attack the center of the Confederate defenses, aiming much of the attack toward the prominent salient on the south end of Cheatham's line.¹

In Cleburne's front, his men held their fire until the enemy was within 75 yards of their defenses. Pouring sustained fire into the ranks of the approaching enemy, the Rebels turned back the advancing wave of bluecoats. At one point, under close fire of the enemy, the bold Gen. Mark Lowrey jumped on the breastworks and moved down his line encouraging his men.

Photo by Mark Dolan, June 2010

Confederate cannon near Lowrey's men, covering

the direction of the Federal approach

The temperature through the day rose to 100 degrees. And the dense woods and thick undergrowth made forward movement toward the Confederate line even more difficult. In some places, exploding shells caused fires to erupt. Flames spread quickly, and many of the Federal wounded were engulfed in the inferno. Unable to watch the horrible scene, one of Cleburne's men, Lt. Col. William Martin, jumped upon the breastworks and waved a white handkerchief as a flag of truce. Immediately, there was a ceasefire while Yankees and Cleburne's men ran forward from their lines to assist the wounded and beat out the flames. The next day, the Union commanders presented the colonel with a matching pair of ivory-handled pistols in gratitude for his action.

After the brief truce, the fighting resumed.² There was another Federal charge against Cleburne's line, but the Confederates drove it back. Unable to pierce the Rebel line, within a half hour, the last attack was called off. A thousand Federal soldiers were killed on Cheatham Hill. Cleburne's losses were only 2 killed and 9 wounded. Cheatham lost 194.

To the east, as at Cheatham Hill, the battle did not go well for Sherman. Except for some success in Schofield's front, the Battle of Kennesaw Mountain was a tactical defeat for his army. 6,000 soldiers on both sides lost their lives on this day. Sherman's losses were 3 casualties for every 1 in Johnston's army. In front of Cleburne's men, the Federal loss was more than 9 to 1. The battle would be Sherman's last attempt at a major frontal assault against a fortified position. Going forward, Sherman will return to his flanking strategy. He will move part of his army around Johnston, forcing the Confederates to withdraw. The Battle of Kennesaw Mountain is judged a failure for Sherman, who squandered his numerical superiority and the courage of his soldiers.³  

For Johnston and his Confederates, the Battle of Kennesaw was the most clear-cut victories in the Atlanta campaign. However, the victory brought little actual advantage for the Southerners. Sherman continued to be well supplied by his rail line, and his force remained large and able to absorb his loss. Johnston was soon to recognize that while victorious in this battle, his strategic situation remained the same. Indeed, his line was stretched dangerously thin. He soon learned that some of Sherman's force had pushed beyond his left flank and was actually closer to the Chattahoochee River than his own army, thus potentially threatening his connection to Atlanta. So, on the night of July 2nd, he will withdraw his army from the Kennesaw line.

Within 5 days, Sherman will be ready to advance again upon Johnston's army.

Photo by Mark Dolan, June 2010

Illinois Monument at "Dead Angle" on Cheatham Hill
Desperate Illinois men who made it to within 20 yards of the Rebel line, tried
unsuccessfully to dig a tunnel to blow up the Rebel entrenchments above them.

¹  Gen. Cheatham's men held the south end of the hill and the salient which extended outwards toward the advancing enemy. Wave after wave of Federals advance towards the salient on Cheatham's line. Relentless gunfire killed hundreds of Federal troops, most from Illinois. Incredibly, their leader, Brig. Gen. Daniel McCook, and some of his men made it up the hill to the Rebel line, only to be killed or captured. McCook was one of those mortally wounded here (397 from his brigade were lost). Later, because of the ferocity and tremendous loss of life, both sides would refer to this salient as “The Dead Angle," by which name it still is known today.
² On June 30th, men from both armies joined to remove the dead. Bodies that had lain exposed for 3 days were buried in trenches. Men were forbidden to rifle the dead. When they were finished, men from both sides chatted, exchanged newspapers, and traded for coffee and tobacco. By late afternoon, many of the men shook hands, wishing each other "good luck" before returning to their respective trenches. Along some parts of the battle line opposing pickets reached an agreement not to shoot at each other, although that night musketry and artillery fire erupted along Cheatham's and Cleburne's line.
³ Sherman barely mentioned the sacrifices of his own men in the battle. However, in Gen. Johnston's postwar memoirs he freely acknowledged the courage of the Federal troops who attacked his line in the battle: "The characteristic fortitude of the northwestern soldiers held them under a close and destructive fire long after reasonable hope of success was gone.” 

Sources: Patrick Cleburne: Confederate General, Howell & Elizabeth Purdue; Decision in the West, Albert Castel; The Army of Tennessee, Stanley F. Horn; A Light on a Hill, Robbie Neal Sumrall; War So Terrible, James Lee McDonough & James Pickett Jones; Narrative of Military Operations During the Civil War, Joseph E. Johnston; Official Records, Vol. 38, Pt. 1

                                       _______________________________________________________________________

To view my blog about my great grandfather, Nathan Oakes, and the

32nd Mississippi Infantry Regiment in which he served in the Army of Tennessee,

please visit: http://32ndmississippi.blogspot.com

_______________________________________________________________________

Emergency repairs to USS Saranac

On today's date in 1944, the fleet oiler, USS Saranac, was received alongside my dad's repair ship, USS Hector, at Eniwetok for emergency battle damage work.

Saranac had been refueling carriers 30 miles east of Saipan when on June 18th, she and 2 other oilers in her group were attacked by Japanese aircraft. Saranac was hit by a bomb in her after superstructure deck, and her sick bay and engine room also were badly damaged. Tragically, 9 men were lost and 21 were wounded. The next day the stricken ship limped under her own power toward Eniwetok, all the while under enemy observation.

Crews from Hector worked in double shifts fully intending to complete Saranac's repairs. However, after the repair work was well underway, the Saranac received orders to return to the states for permanent repairs. Hector's crews then turned their attention to repairing the ship's power plant, enabling her to sail under her own power on July 2nd.

USS Saranac, near Mare Island, June 20, 1944
Source: Shipscribe.com

After her stateside repairs, Saranac rejoined the war in the Pacific. She supported the naval action in the Battle of Leyte starting in October 1944, the invasion of Okinawa in April 1945, and through the end of that year she refueled ships in the South China Sea. At the end of the war, Saranac was converted to a floating power barge for military installations in the Pacific. Finally, she was struck from the Naval Vessel Register in 1956, and a year later was sold to a private corporation.

For her distinguished World War II service the USS Saranac received 5 battle stars.

Sources: USS Hector AR7- Ship’s Log (WWII); USS Saranac War Diary, June & July 1944

The Battle of the Philippine Sea, 1944

The Naval Battle of the Philippine Sea, June 19–20, 1944, a major carrier engagement with the Japanese Imperial Navy, took place during the U.S. amphibious invasion of Saipan and Mariana Islands. It was the greatest carrier battle in history.

Japan regarded the Marianas, including Saipan, Guam, and Tinian, as part of her homeland in addition to being integral to her inner defense perimeter. Its land-based fighter and bomber aircraft on these islands controlled the sea lanes to Japan and protected the home islands. However, in late 1943 Japan's outer defensive ring was overrun at the costly Battle of Tarawa, and in early 1944, the U.S. fleet had pressed on through the Marshall Islands sweeping across other islands in the Central Pacific. For the Americans, control of the Marianas would put the Japanese homeland within range of American bombers. An attack on  the Marianas, however, inevitably would bring on a naval battle with the Japanese.

From June 13-15, 1944, U.S. carriers began a series of air strikes on the Marianas, convincing the Japanese that the Americans were preparing to invade. This move came as a surprise to the Japanese as they had expected the next U.S. target to be farther to the south, either the Carolines or the Palaus. This belief led to their fortification of these islands with less preparation given to the possibility of a Marianas invasion. Saipan D-day came on June 15 when American Marines invaded in an amphibious landing.

The Japanese immediately ordered a counterattack by sea, committing nearly all of its serviceable ships to the engagement. Their force consisted of 9 carriers and 5 battleships. Their plan was to bring on a decisive battle while their ground forces on Saipan fought off the American invasion.

Battle of the Philippine Sea, June 19-20, 1944
Source: Wikimedia Commons

On today's date in 1944, the Japanese began their air attack against the U.S. Navy's Fifth Fleet. They launched 4 separate raids. In what is remembered by American sailors and airmen as the first day of the "Marianas Turkey Shoot," the Japanese lost more than 240 planes, the Americans only 30. Damage to American ships was also minimal, with damaged battleship, USS South Dakota, able to remain in the fight. Two American submarines, the Albacore and Cavalla, each sunk an enemy carrier.

The next day, with only about 200 aircraft left, the Japanese continued their attacks. By the afternoon, the Americans had verified the Japanese fleet's position and launched an all-out attack of their own. Approaching the enemy's ships, the American pilots encountered intense antiaircraft fire. Nevertheless, they were able to press their attack, sinking another carrier and damaging 2 more, along with a battleship. Japanese naval power had suffered irreparable damage.

The return trip for the American pilots was a harrowing experience. The distance involved required most of the aircraft to run dangerously low on fuel, while nighttime had fallen. Carriers were illuminated to help the returning pilots find their way, despite the risk of enemy submarine and air attacks. Eighty of the returning planes were lost, some crashing on flight decks, while the majority went into the sea. Thankfully, most of their crews were rescued over the next few days.

Overnight, the Japanese fleet withdrew. By the battle's conclusion, the Japanese had lost 3 carriers, 2 oilers, and more than 600 carrier- and land-based aircraft. As much as 90% of the Japanese carrier aviation force was destroyed in 2 days. The Americans lost 123 aircraft and some damage to ships. Amazingly, only 16 pilots and 33 aircrew remained missing by the end of the engagement.

So decisive was the Battle of the Philippine Sea for the Americans that it eliminated the Imperial Japanese Navy's ability to conduct large-scale carrier actions for the remainder of the war. In that battle the Japanese Navy lost the majority of its carrier air strength.  It would never recover.

Source: The Two-Ocean War, Samuel Eliot Morrison

D-Day in the Pacific | The Invasion of Saipan, 1944

Having successfully pushed through the Gilbert and Marshall Islands, the Allies now set their sights on the Marianas: Saipan, Guam, Tinian, Rota, and Pagan. From this strategic point in the Pacific, they would be able to bomb the Japanese mainland. This massive operation involved thousands of troops from all branches of the military and an overwhelming number of ships, vehicles, and weapons. 

The plan called for bypassing a full assault on Rota and Pagan, instead aiming at Saipan as its primary goal. Guam and Tinian were secondary targets. To invade Saipan would be a significant challenge for the Pacific Fleet since Japan regarded it as part of her homeland as well as integral to her inner defense perimeter.

Beginning June 11, 1944, American aircraft carriers carried out heaving bombing of airfields in the Marianas. Battleships also bombarded the islands.¹ 

Source: Wikimedia Commons

Today's date marks the anniversary of Saipan D-day in 1944. Sixty-four Land Ship Tanks (LSTs), some of which my dad, Frank Dolan, had worked on earlier at Pearl Harbor, landed U.S. Marines on 8 different beaches on a 4-mile wide front. Twenty-four gunboats offered some close protection for the landing force while battleships, cruisers, and destroyers pounded beach defenses. Eight thousand Marines got ashore within the first 20 minutes, with 12,000 more to follow throughout the day along with 1,400 amphibious tanks.

U.S. Marines in the first wave on the Saipan beaches
Source: National Archives

Awaiting the Marines were over 32,000 Japanese troops, more than twice the number anticipated. More than 2,000 Marines were killed on the beaches before the beachhead was secured 2 days later. It would be a long and hard-fought battle to take the island.

As the Marines fought off counter-attacks, the Japanese decided that the best way to support the island’s defenders was to attack the Americans at sea. This resulted in the Battle of the Philippine Sea, June 19, 1944. The attack proved to be a disaster for the Japanese as they lost 3 aircraft carriers along with many planes. The loss of their carriers meant that the Japanese force on Saipan could not be resupplied or reinforced, and they were effectively cut off.

Troops make their way to the beach from LSTs, some of which

were readied and repaired by Dad's ship, USS Hector

Source: National Archives

By the 22nd, Marines had pushed across the island, cutting the defending force in two. Realizing that he would not be reinforced, Japanese Gen. Yoshitsugu Saito ordered his troops to fight the last man. The Japanese held a final defensive line around Mount Tapotchau, a series of caves in the mountainous center of Saipan. In their assault, the Americans were forced to use flamethrowers to kill or drive the enemy from their underground hiding places.

In a climatic enemy attack on July 7, over 3,000 Japanese, including wounded and some civilians, struck the U.S. Army's position in a desperate charge. Nearly overwhelming their lines in an attack which lasted over 15 hours, the American soldiers bravely fought back. With reinforcements, the army succeeded in turning back the assault with very few Japanese survivors.

Throughout the invasion, Japanese defenders were tenacious, completely willing to fight to the death. Indeed, more than 30,000 had to be killed before Saipan was taken by July 7th.² For the Americans, over 3,400 of the 67,451 troops who participated were killed or reported missing.

The American victory at Saipan was quickly followed by successful landings on Guam on July 21st, and Tinian on July 24th, although there was heavy fighting in the battles for both islands. With the Marianas secured, the Americans quickly developed air bases for long range B-29 bombers that could reach the Japanese mainland, helping to hasten the end of the war.³

¹ The battleship, USS Tennessee, was damaged by artillery fire from Tinian. Eight men were killed and 26 wounded. Despite the damage and loss of personnel, Tennessee delivered fire on a Japanese counterattack near Agingan Point on Saipan before leaving for emergency repairs. The next day, the ship returned to Saipan channel to provide supporting fire to assist U.S. Marines in consolidating their beachhead. On the 22nd, Tennessee sailed for Eniwetok where Dad's repair ship, Hector, repaired her battle damage. On June 14, another battleship, the USS California, was hit by a shell from a Japanese shore battery on Saipan, killing 1 man and wounding 9. Dad's ship repaired her damage at Eniwetok as well.

² Tragically, more than 20,000 civilians also were killed, many of these jumping from cliffs to their deaths. Despite efforts by U.S. troops to persuade them to surrender they were convinced that untold horrors awaited them if they fell into the hands of the Americans.

³On November 24, 1944, U.S. B-29 bombers attacked the Nakajima aircraft factory northwest of Tokyo. The high-altitude mission marked the first bombing raid of Japan from the Mariana Islands.

Sources: The Two-Ocean War, Samuel Eliot Morrison; Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships: USS Hector III (AR-7); USS Hector AR7- Ship's Log (WWII)

Underway for Eniwetok | Service Squadron Ten

On today's date in 1944, the day before the Allied invasion of Normandy, my Dad, Frank Dolan, was sailing from Pearl Harbor. Resupplied and with a fresh coat of camouflage paint, Dad's ship, USS Hector, sailed with a task unit of 4 other ships* for Eniwetok, codenamed "Babacoote." It was on its way to join its mobile service squadron, transferring there from Majuro. Crossing the International Dateline on the 9th, Hector arrived safely at Eniwetok Harbor on the 13th, reporting to the recently commissioned Service Squadron 10 of Task Force 38.

Navy service squadrons—composed of repair ships, floating drydocks, and other floating equipment—supported fleet combat units in the Pacific. During the war they allowed the Navy to operate across the ocean for extended periods of time. Service Squadron 10 (ServRon 10) provided for major naval bases relatively near the Navy's ongoing operations against the Japanese. The Squadron's vital work allowed ships to remain on duty for a year or more without the need to return to a major repair base stateside.

Eniwetok had been in Allied hands since their victorious invasion in February. The atoll now offered the Americans a strategic airfield and harbor from which to launch attacks on Japanese strongholds in the Mariana Islands further north. As a major forward operating base for the Navy and the Marines, there was a lot of work for a repair ship like Hector. Already, hundreds of Allied ships were anchored in the lagoon when Hector arrived. Many of these would be participating in the invasion of Saipan within a couple of days. At its peak in July, more than 520 ships were present in the lagoon.

Marianas Invasion Force assembled in the lagoon at Eniwetok Atoll, June 1944

For 3 1/2 months, Hector supported Task Force 38, the main striking force of the United States Navy through the latter half of the Pacific War. During that time, she repaired numerous ships alongside and in the harbor. Then, September 30th, Hector sailed for Ulithi.

Service Squadron 10 was commissioned at Pearl Harbor on January 15, 1944. It was based first at Majuro (February-May 1944), then Eniwetok (June-September 1944), Ulithi (October 1944-April 1945), and Leyte-Samar, P.I. (May-August 1945). At the height of its activities, the squadron controlled 609 vessels at 5 fleet anchorages.

Service Squadron 10 was designed to be a mobile base, furnishing logistic support, including general stores, provisions, fuel, ammunition, maintenance, repair, salvage, and such other services as required in the support of an advanced major fleet anchorage in the Central Pacific Area. It was directed to furnish similar logistic support to Navy and Marine shore-based units not otherwise provided for in the area. And, wherever possible, it provided services and supplies vital to any of our allied armed forces.

In addition to the Hector, an arresting array of additional repair ships and tenders also were present at Eniwetok. These included the repair ship Ajax; destroyer tenders Piedmont, Cascade, and Markab; repair ship landing craft Egeria; floating drydocks ARD-13 and ARD-15; mobile floating drydock AFD-15; and floating workshop YR-30.

At Eniwetok, before leaving for Ulithi, Hector's welding shop crew posed
for this photograph. Metalsmith, 1st Class Frank Dolan is center, second row.

*Task Unit 17.7.12, was comprised of USS Hector, escort aircraft carriers USS Natoma Bay and Manila Bay, and the destroyers USS Halligan and Haraden.

Sources: USS Hector War Diary, June 1944; Beans, Bullets and Black Oil, Chapter 10: "Service Squadron Ten Organizing at Pearl," Worrall Reed Carter

Meeting MacArthur

It was either while he was stationed in Hawaii from April to June 1944, or earlier in 1941-1942, that my dad, Frank Dolan, and some of his buddies from his ship, Hector, decided to play some golf. It is the only time that I know of that he ever played, or as he recalled it, "pretended to hit a few balls around the golf course."

As he told the story, while the sailors were playing, a U.S. Army general caught up with them. It was an awkward moment, but the general made some small talk and offered a few observations with the sailors, then played on through their group. At the time, Dad had no idea who the general was. However, a few months later on October 20th, he and the rest of the world would recognize General Douglas MacArthur famously wading onto the beach at Leyte in the Philippines declaring, "I have returned."

The Battle of Pickett's Mill at 150

Photo by Mark Dolan, June 2010

For more than 2 weeks in May 1864, Confederate Gen. Joseph E. Johnston executed a series of withdrawals of his Army of Tennessee from Dalton to Allatoona in North Georgia while Union Gen. William T. Sherman's army was in pursuit. When Johnston withdrew his army from Cassville on May 19, he fell back first to Allatoona Pass and then to the Dallas area where he entrenched his troops. His army would soon be engaged in a series of battles known collectively as the Battle of Dallas or the Battles of New Hope Church (so named for a small Methodist church there), fought between May 26 and June 4, 1864.

Gen. Patrick Cleburne's Division—in which was serving Great Grandfather Nathan Oakes in Mark Lowrey's Brigade—had earlier taken up position about 3 miles south of the Etowah River, and 2 miles east of Allatoona. On May 23rd, Cleburne's Division, with the rest of Gen. William Hardee's Corps, set out on a series of marches in search of the Federal right flank, which had begun to move across the river. Moving from its position on the Pumpkin Vine Creek, the division marched 6 miles to the Dallas-Marietta road. The next day the corps moved again by way of New Hope Church to Powder Springs. Then on the 25th, it made a return march of the day before.

By the 23rd, Johnston knew of Sherman's new position. Believing that his opponent may be attempting to cross the Chattahoochee on the Confederate flank, on the 24th Johnston began shifting his army to a new line stretching 7 miles from Dallas to New Hope Church. Hardee's Corps (sans Cleburne's Division) would occupy the left at Dallas, Gen. John B. Hood's Corps would form the center, and Cleburne's Division would extend Hood's line on the right.

In the evening of the 25th, Cleburne moved his division to the right of the line near New Hope Church, where elements of Hood's Corps had that morning engaged the enemy in sharp skirmishing. Cleburne' Division was now detached from Hardee's Corps and reporting directly to Hood who was in command of the army's right wing. Late that afternoon, the Confederates in the center of Hood's line, Gen. A.P. Stewart's men, repulsed another attack during a severe thunderstorm. Hood's line continued to hold.

Photo by Mark Dolan, June 2010

Overnight, as Hood's men dug entrenchments in the soggy clay, Sherman began pushing a force northeast toward the tiny community of Pickett's Mill, about 2.5 miles away, in hopes of turning the Confederate's right flank and seizing the railroad at Acworth, several miles in the Confederates' rear. However, the Confederates were ready for the attack. Before daylight on the 26th, Cleburne roused his men for a march on the Dallas-Atlanta road to the mill, which they reached a couple of hours later. His men now form the extended right of the Confederate line. In preparation for an anticipated battle, he directed his men to clear paths behind his line and to his front in order to connect his brigades for rapid movement when needed. He also ordered rifle pits to be dug along the line. His foresight would prove essential to the outcome of the battle.

On today's date in 1864, Cleburne's men made their famous stand at Pickett's Mill on the Little Pumkpinvine Creek. It was named for the grist mill and farmland owned by a war widow whose Confederate husband, Malachi, had been killed in the Battle of Chickamauga the year before. The area of Cleburne's defense formed a narrow front in a heavily wooded and tangled forest. The Battle of Pickett's Mill resulted in saving the right wing of the Confederate army and keeping the Sherman from cutting off Johnston's line of communication to Atlanta.

Cleburne's report of the battle provides a clear and compelling narrative. He sets up the situation this way:

Maj. Gen. Partick R. Cleburne

About 2 or 3 o'clock of the afternoon of the 26th I arrived with my division on the extreme right of the then line of the army, when I was sent to support Major-General [Thomas C.] Hindman. At that point our lines, the general bearing of which was north and south, retired for a few yards to the east. In continuation of this retiring line I placed [Brig. Gen. Lucius] Polk's brigade (of my division) in and diagonally across it, upon a ridge in echelon by battalion to avoid an artillery enfilade from a neighboring position held by the enemy. Resting on Polk's right as placed [Maj. Thomas R.] Hotchkiss artillery, consisting of four Napoleons, four Parrott guns, and four howitzers. Supporting on the right was one regiment of [Brig. Gen. Daniel C.] Govan's, of my division. The remainder of my division was disposed in rear as a second line in support of Hindman's right brigades and my first line. Intrenchments were thrown up in the afternoon and night of the 26th and in the morning of the 27th. The position was in the main covered with trees and undergrowth, which served as a screen along our lines, concealed us, and were left standing as far as practicable for that purpose. On the morning of the 27th, at about 7 o'clock, Govan was sent to the north front on a reconnaissance, with directions to swing to the left in his advance. From time to time, while engaged in this reconnaissance, Govan sent me word that the enemy was moving to the right—his own left.

Source: Civil War Maps by Hal Jesperson

The terrain over which the enemy would have to approach was dense and jungle-like. Cleburne arranged his guns to fire directly into the thick woods in his front. By late afternoon, having made his final arrangements, holding Lowrey's Brigade in reserve and placing Govan to the right of Polk, and Brig. Gen. Hiram Granbury's Regiment to Govan's right, Cleburne was ready to receive the inevitable assault. His line stretched along on a low ridge above the valley of Little Pumpkinvine Creek.

It was just in time. At 4:30 PM, Gens. Thomas J. Wood's and Richard W. Johnson's divisions of Gen. O.O. Howard's corps started their advance towards Govan's and Granbury's front, beginning their fire at the edge of a field within 400 yards of the Confederate line. They were aiming for the top of the slope where Cleburne's distinctive blue divisional flags could be seen clearly. While the Federals were determined to move around the Confederate right flank, they were attempting this feat without the support of Federal artillery. Throughout the battle, 8 solid lines of Federal soldiers assaulted Cleburne's line.

From the edge of the field the fighting was uphill for the Federals. Cleburne remarked that the enemy displayed "courage worthy of an honorable cause—pressing in steady throngs to within a few paces of our men." Their determined advance up the slope was hampered by rocks and thick undergrowth, making their progress slow and deadly under the Confederate fire. During their attack, Cleburne's men "slaughtered them with deliberate aim," the general wrote in his report, leaving their dead in piles. Hotchkiss’s artillery ended up being out of position for using the guns to fire into the enemy approaching through the ravine. But, Capt. Thomas J. Key had moved 2 guns from his Arkansas Battery forward by hand and added to the murderous slaughter.

Slightly to the right of Granbury's front was a cornfield abut 300 yards square, which the enemy crossed, but was met by a detachment from Govan's Regiment (Col. George F. Baucum's) sent to counter this new emergency. The men charged down the ridge toward the attacking Federals and drove them back.

Brig. Gen. Mark P. Lowrey

As this counterattack was taking place, Cleburne ordered Brig. Gen. Mark P. Lowrey to move his men up to the right of Granbury to prolong Granbury's threatened right holding the ridge. Lowrey marched his men "about a mile and a half, most of the way in double-quick," he wrote. Along the way, Cleburne met Lowrey and personally explained the situation with the encouragement to move rapidly and to secure Granbury's right. "Granbury was hotly engaged," wrote Lowrey, "and the enemy had already passed to the rear of his right flank, and was pressing on."

Granbury's men indeed were having a difficult time holding their position. At the critical moment, Lowrey threw his regiments into the fight as each arrived. Then on horseback he personally assisted Col. Samuel Adams in his brigade's fight to hold the hill. From Cleburne's report:

[Lowrey's] arrival was most opportune, as the enemy was beginning to pour around Baucum's right. Colonel Adams, with the Thirty-third Alabama, which was the first of Lowrey's regiments to form into line, took position on Baucum's right and advanced with him, his seven left companies being in the field with Baucum, and his other four in the woods to the right. Baucum and Adams, finding themselves suffering from the enemy's direct and oblique fire, withdrew, passing over the open space of the field behind them. The right companies of Adams, which were in the woods, retired to a spur which rises from the easterly edge of the field about 200 yards from its southerly edge, where Baucum's and Adams' left companies rested. Here they halted. Captain [William E.] Dodson, with fine judgment perceiving the importance of the position—it would have given the enemy an enfilading fire upon Granbury, which would have dislodged him—and making his company the basis of alignment for the remainder of Lowreys, now coming into position. This retrogade movement across the field was not attended with loss as might have been expected, the enemy not advancing as it was made. It was mistaken, however, for a repulse, and some of my staff officers hearing that my line had broken hastened forward [Brig. Gen. William A.] Quarles' brigade, of [Maj. Gen. A.P.] Stewart's division, just then providentially sent up by General Hood to re-establish it. Lowrey, being under the same impression, detached his two right regiments (which had not been engaged) under Colonels [W.H.H.] Tison [Great Grandfather Oakes's regiment] and [A.B.] Hardcastle, and had them quickly formed in support of Baucum and Adams. The error, however, was soon discovered, and my line being ascertained to remain in its integrity, Quarles' brigade was conducted to the rear of Lowrey, and formed as a second line. The Fourth Louisiana, Colonel [S.E.] Hunter, finding itself opposite an interval between the two regiments of Lowreys line (caused by Baucum's resting closer upon Granbury on his return from the advance, than he had done at first), under the immediate superintendence of General Quarles, advanced with great spirit into the field, halted, and delivered a very effective fire upon the enemy in his front. After some minutes Quarles withdrew this regiment and formed it behind the field, where they continued their fire across it. General Quarles and his brigade have my thanks. During these movements the battle continued to rage on Granburys front, and was met with unflagging spirit. About the time of Quarles getting into position night came on, when the combat lulled. For some hours afterward a desultory dropping fire, with short, vehement bursts of musketry, continued, the enemy lying in great numbers immediately in front of portions of my line, and so near it, that their footsteps could be distinctly heard. 

Lowrey's men, pouring fire from the ridge into the Federal flank, provided the blow the Confederate right needed to stop a further advance. Concerning the importance of his troops' action at the climax of this battle, Lowrey wrote,

Here, again, a victory was secured by a dash, that could have been secured in no other way. Granbury's gallant Texans fought as but few troops would have fought, and the destruction of the enemy in their front was perhaps the greatest that occurred during the whole war, considering the number engaged and the length of time. But the position could not have been held had not the right flank been secured, and I am quire sure this could not have been held if I had waited to put my whole brigade in position, and move them all up at once. Indeed, it was one of those times in which the victory trembled in the scale, and the lives of many men, and probably the destiny of an army hung upon a moment of time.

Later around 10 PM, Cleburne sent forward Granbury's and Lowrey's men as scouts to determine what lay in their front. Cleburne writes:

Granbury, finding it impossible to advance his skirmishers until he had cleared his front of the enemy lying up against it, with my consent, charged with his whole line, Walthall, with his brigade, from Hindman's division, whom I sent to his support, taking his place in the line as he stepped out of it. The Texans, their bayonets fixed, plunged into the darkness with a terrific yell, and with one bound were upon the enemy, but they met with no resistance. Surprised and panic-stricken many fled, escaping in the darkness, others surrendered and were brought into our lines. It needed but the brilliancy of this night attack to add luster to the achievements of Granbury and his brigade in the afternoon. I am deeply indebted to them both. My thanks are also due to General Lowrey for the coolness and skill which he exhibited in forming his line. His successive formation was the precise answer to the enemy's movement in extending his left to turn our right. Time was of the essence of things, and his movement was the quickest. His line was formed under heavy fire, on ground unknown to him and of the most difficult character, and the stern firmness with which he and his men and Baucum's regiment drove off the enemy and resisted his renewed attacks without doubt saved the right of the army, as Granbury had already done before.

As the sun came up the next day, Cleburne's men looked out upon a scene of terrible destruction with hundreds of dead and dying men everywhere. Lt. Thomas J. Stokes of Cleburne's Division, who participated in this final charge, wrote home in May 1864 to his sister, Mary Gay, about the dreadful aftermath of the battle:

The next morning I had the privilege of walking over the whole ground, and such a scene! Here lay the wounded, the dying, and the dead, hundreds upon hundreds, in every conceivable position; some with contorted features, showing the agony of death, others as if quietly sleeping. I noticed some soft beardless faces which ill comported with the savage warfare in which they had been engaged. Hundreds of letters from mothers, sisters, and friends were found upon them, and ambrotypes, taken singly and in groups. Though they had been my enemies, my heart bled at the sickening scene. The wounded nearly all expressed themselves tired of the war.

About 24,000 soldiers participated in the fierce fighting. The struggle was often face-to-face with many of the Federal attackers falling within 10 feet of Cleburne's line. Despite the ferocity of the battle, Cleburne stated that his division's casualties were but "few." He reported 85 killed and 363 wounded out of 4,683 armed men he took into the fight. These were mostly from Granbury's, Govan's, and Lowrey's Regiments (Lowrey's received the most casualties at 183¹) since Polk's men, who were on the left of the line, were not engaged. The total loss for the Confederates was around 500. The Federals lost 1,600 in killed, wounded, and missing, fulfilling what one Yankee soldier and writer Lt. Ambrose Bierce later called a "criminal blunder" in the "Crime at Pickett's Mill."

Photo by Mark Dolan, June 2010

Plaque at New Hope Church

There will be much more fighting to come in the Atlanta Campaign. But on this date in 1864, Cleburne's brilliant stand at Pickett's Mill, repulsed the attack of Howard's corps and saved the right wing of the Confederate army. Just as importantly, his division kept Sherman from cutting off Johnston's supply line to Atlanta. Gen. Hood later wrote about Cleburne and his division at Pickett's Mill: “He was for the first time under my immediate command at New Hope Church where his Division... achieved the most brilliant success of Johnston’s campaign.” Historian Craig L. Symonds observed that "Cleburne’s success at Pickett’s Mill proved that Missionary Ridge and Ringgold Gap had not been flukes. For a third time, his command had decisively repelled an attack by a much larger force, and for a third time he had saved the army from potential disaster."² 

On the morning of the 28th, Johnston sent Bate's Division on the left against the Federals near Dallas. This time it was the Confederates' turn to be repulsed. After that attack, there were no other general engagements in the Dallas/New Hope Church vicinity. By June 4th, Sherman managed to concentrate his 3 armies around New Hope Church and move part of his force eastward around the Confederate right. Johnston had no choice but to evacuate overnight to a new position 10 miles south. Heavy rains prevented Sherman from immediately pursuing.

¹ My Great Grandfather recalled in a letter to the editor of the Confederate Veteran, Vol. 7 (1889), that his close comrade in Co. D, Miley Steele, “was never wounded until the engagement at New Hope, Ga., where he was wounded in the thigh.” Steele would recover and continue to fight in Co. D through the Battle of Franklin, Tennessee.
² In his memoirs Gen. Sherman made scant mention of the Battles of New Hope Church. He also failed even to acknowledge his soldiers' honorable sacrifice in the Battle of Pickett's Mill.

Sources: Pat Cleburne: Confederate General, Howell & Elizabeth Purdue; Brig. Gen. Mark P. Lowrey's Autobiography; The Battles of New Hope Church, Russell W. Blount, Jr.; War So Terrible, James Lee McDonough & James Pickett Jones; Advance and Retreat, John Bell Hood; Stonewall of the West, Craig L. Symonds; The Army of Tennessee, Stanley F. Horn; Collected Works of Ambrose Bierce, Vol 1; Life in Dixie during the War 1861-1862-1863-1864-1865, Mary A. H. Gay; Memoirs of Gen. William T. Sherman; Official Records, Vol 38, Pts. 3 & 4

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To view my blog about my great grandfather, Nathan Oakes, and the

32nd Mississippi Infantry Regiment in which he served in the Army of Tennessee,

please visit: http://32ndmississippi.blogspot.com

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The other Pearl Harbor disaster, 1944

Today is the 70th anniversary of the West Lock disaster at Pearl Harbor, an incident that few of us know much, if anything, about. The accident, which occurred on a quiet Sunday, just after 3 PM on this date in 1944, began following an explosion in a staging area for Landing Ships, Tank (LSTs) and other amphibious assault ships in West Loch.

The West Lock was a scene of great activity in May as ships were being loaded with ammunition, gasoline, and other cargo in preparation for the June invasion of the Mariana Islands in "Operation Forager." An accidental explosion occurred on an LST as she was being loaded with mortar ammunition. Three ships were lost in the explosions and the devastating fire that quickly that spread to other vessels in the harbor.

The cause of the initial explosion is uncertain. However, lack of experience in the handling of ammunition and other explosive cargo was the suspected cause. Few of the officers and men involved in loading the explosives had actual experience or training in handling it. Welding operations being carried on nearby could have been a contributing factor, but smoking was also suspected as triggering the explosions.

Twenty-nine LSTs were berthed in the lock to receive supplies from the West Loch Naval Ammunition Depot. Each LST was loaded with thousands of pounds of fuel and oil along with 6,000 cubic feet of ammunition stowed on the decks, under the guns, and in the amphibious craft onboard. Each LST had a 199-man crew plus about 200 Marines or Soldiers as part of the invasion force. The situation was ripe for disaster.

The official investigation revealed that the first explosion occurred on board LST-353, where heavy ammunition was being loaded. Gasoline stored in drums on adjoining ships was accidentally ignited, and in moments several LSTs were ablaze. The flames prevented crews from casting off lines and breaking free of the other ships. Then a second explosion came moments later, and a third—the most violent—followed shortly thereafter. It was a scene of smoke, chaos, and confusion, with men either blown overboard or leaping into the water to escape the flames.

Smoke billows upward from West Lock on May 21, 1944, when disaster struck
a nest of LSTs readying for the Saipan assault.
National Archives Photo  

The official account listed 27 dead and 100 missing. However, other sources state the final death toll at 163 servicemen, with a further 396 wounded. Six LSTs were sunk, 2 already carrying smaller, fully loaded amphibious crafts. Several more LSTs were damaged and/or run aground. Four could not be repaired in time for the invasion. Seventeen tracked landing vehicles (LVTs) and eight 155 mm guns also were destroyed.

With the reinforcement of the fleet coming from elsewhere, and through quick repair efforts, amazingly Operation Forager was only delayed by a single day, with the invasion commencing essentially as planned 3 weeks later.

While at the time, thousands of service personnel and civilian residents knew about the disaster, it received very little publicity then or later. The incident was cloaked in secrecy, and by the time it was declassified in 1960, most had forgotten about it completely. Even many sailors on duty nearby on the island knew little about it. My dad, Frank Dolan, was stationed onboard the USS Hector* in another area of Pearl Harbor. At the moment of the explosion, he and a few of his buddies were at the recreation area at Aiea Landing, about 4 miles away. From a high ridge they witnessed the LST’s blowing up and the spreading fire that followed. He had all but forgotten the disaster until a few years ago it was brought to mind in a documentary about the discovery of the remains of a fifth Japanese midget submarine used in the 1941 Pearl Harbor attack.

For the Sailors, Marines, and Soldiers present at West Lock on today's date, however, few of them would ever forget the "Second Pearl Harbor Disaster."

The rusted hulk of USS LST-480 still visible at West Loch. The remains honor
the 163, sailors, marines, and soldiers who died and 396 wounded in a fuel
and ammunition explosion on May 21, 1944.
Source: Star Bulletin

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Only 2 months later, on July 17, 1944, there was another disastrous explosion at a Navy yard, this one in the San Francisco Bay area. At Port Chicago Naval Magazine, 320 men were instantly killed when ammunition that they were handling blew up. Nearly 400 others were injured. The majority of the dead were African American sailors, at that time serving in the racially segregated military.

Navy crews were loading 2 naval vessels bound for the Pacific Theater with active munitions when the explosives ignited in a horrific series of blasts. Felt throughout the area, the explosions broke windows 30 miles away, hurled debris thousands of feet into the air, and obliterated both ships. Tragically, the blast instantly killed everyone killed at the waterfront—Sailors, Marines, Navy Armed Guard, Coast Guardsmen, Merchant Marines, and working civilians. It was WWII's worst home front disaster.

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* While stationed at Pearl Harbor during this period, Dad performed welding repairs to many of these LSTs for the upcoming campaign.

Sources: United States LST Organization; "Pearl Harbor's Second Disaster Remembered," US Navy; LST-225 War Diary, May 1944

USS Hector arrives at Pearl Harbor

On today's date in 1944, my dad's repair ship, USS Hector, arrived in Pearl Harbor after sailing from California on April 3rd. The ship was assigned to Service Squadron Two. She will remain at Pearl effecting repairs on various ships, primarily landing craft for the June Mariana and Palau Islands campaign, until she departs on June 5th for the recently captured Eniwetok Atoll.

During this time, Hector's crew was granted leave. For some of this period at Pearl, Vestal was also present, and Dad met up with some of his old shipmates, although never visiting on board. It was also during his stay at Pearl that he and some of his buddies providentially encountered Gen. Douglas MacArthur while on the golf course.

A memorable leave experience for one of Hector's sailors is reported as an anecdote in the War Diary for the USS Griswold. On April 21st, as the destroyer escort was steaming for the states, 11 miles off Diamond Head it spotted a man on a surfboard adrift in the water. After performing a rescue, they learned that the surfer was an unnamed crewman from the Hector who somehow got stranded too far from shore. No further mention of the incident is made. Too bad, because it would have made quite a story!

Dad and some of his Hector buddies in Honolulu, 1944
L to R: Percy Hunt, Bruce Cabbot, Cal Falcon, & Frank Dolan

Hector remained at Pearl until departing on June 5th for the forward naval base at Eniwetok.

Sources: USS Vestal War Diary, April 1944;  USS Hector AR7- Ship’s Log (WWII); USS Hector Muster Roll, March 1944; USS Griswold War Diary, April 1944